Hello!

1 This document, which I put together to demonstrate Steve Yost's Quick Topic Document Review (QTDR), is available for separate viewing as http://www.kalikow.com/~drdan/qt/demo.htm. Your first view of this won't be in that original form, but rather it will be shown to you in QTDR, because I have uploaded it there for you to comment on. (That fairly hairy concept will become clearer as the demo progresses, and as you try QTDR yourself!)

2 If you would like to try uploading the original form of this doc yourself to QTDR so that you can create your own private review space to test QTDR on your own, here's how:

• Make sure you have a QT UserID and that you're signed in. (Don't worry about signing up; QT has an ironclad Privacy Policy.)
• Open that demo.htm URL that I showed you above, and do a VIEW SOURCE/SHOW SOURCE on it.
• Save that source file into your computer.
• 3 Return your attention to your QT screen (in your web browser's display) and click on the Start a Document Review link at the upper left of the QT page.
• Browse till you find your local copy of that HTML file (wherever you saved it) and select it.
• 4 Click the "Upload Document" button, and let QTDR take it from there.

5 Of course you can try QTDR on your own HTML file anytime, without needing to download this one from the web. You can even do a QTDR on your own MS Word 2000 .DOC file! Just follow the directions on the "Start a document review" page where you are instructed on how to save your .DOC file as an .HTM file and then go ahead and upload it to QTDR. Just start at the QuickTopic Page – and you're on your way!

6 As you participate in this demo review, just imagine how much this QTDR capability could help you, the next time you're writing something that needs the comments and/or the eventual buy-in of several people! Have you ever tried the "ancient and dis-honorable" method :-) of emailing out a draft to a far-flung committee and then trying to collate and rationalize their comments – while retaining your sanity? Or have you tried to set a time for and then, later, to coordinate the many conflicting comments of a face-to-face meeting of busy people? Well, I  have; and in many cases QTDR makes the process about 10 times easier. Well more than enough to drive a pretty quick adoption curve. Check it out for yourself !

7 Imagine you've written this doc, and that you've invited all the other participants in this demo to review it. Please consider subscribing to the Comment Forum for this QTDR, so you'll get email updates whenever others make their comments. Please don't hesitate to ask any question you like, however you like – that makes for the best sort of demo!

Enjoy!

Dan Kalikow, for the demo on Thursday October 11^th, 2001

8 (This next segment: with apologies to Alexander Hamilton and http://lcweb2.loc.gov/const/fed/fed_01.html#1 whence its text comes)

FEDERALIST PAPERS Federalist No. 1 General Introduction For the Independent Journal.

Author: Alexander Hamilton

To the People of the State of New York:

9  AFTER an unequivocal experience of the inefficiency of the subsisting federal government, you are called upon to deliberate on a new Constitution for the United States of America. The subject speaks its own importance; comprehending in its consequences nothing less than the existence of the UNION, the safety and welfare of the parts of which it is composed, the fate of an empire in many respects the most interesting in the world. It has been frequently remarked that it seems to have been reserved to the people of this country, by their conduct and example, to decide the important question, whether societies of men are really capable or not of establishing good government from reflection and choice, or whether they are forever destined to depend for their political constitutions on accident and force. If there be any truth in the remark, the crisis at which we are arrived may with propriety be regarded as the era in which that decision is to be made; and a wrong election of the part we shall act may, in this view, deserve to be considered as the general misfortune of mankind.

10  This idea will add the inducements of philanthropy to those of patriotism, to heighten the solicitude which all considerate and good men must feel for the event. Happy will it be if our choice should be directed by a judicious estimate of our true interests, unperplexed and unbiased by considerations not connected with the public good. But this is a thing more ardently to be wished than seriously to be expected. The plan offered to our deliberations affects too many particular interests, innovates upon too many local institutions, not to involve in its discussion a variety of objects foreign to its merits, and of views, passions and prejudices little favorable to the discovery of truth.

11  Among the most formidable of the obstacles which the new Constitution will have to encounter may readily be distinguished the obvious interest of a certain class of men in every State to resist all changes which may hazard a diminution of the power, emolument, and consequence of the offices they hold under the State establishments; and the perverted ambition of another class of men, who will either hope to aggrandize themselves by the confusions of their country, or will flatter themselves with fairer prospects of elevation from the subdivision of the empire into several partial confederacies than from its union under one government.

12  It is not, however, my design to dwell upon observations of this nature. I am well aware that it would be disingenuous to resolve indiscriminately the opposition of any set of men (merely because their situations might subject them to suspicion) into interested or ambitious views. Candor will oblige us to admit that even such men may be actuated by upright intentions; and it cannot be doubted that much of the opposition which has made its appearance, or may hereafter make its appearance, will spring from sources, blameless at least, if not respectable–the honest errors of minds led astray by preconceived jealousies and fears. So numerous indeed and so powerful are the causes which serve to give a false bias to the judgment, that we, upon many occasions, see wise and good men on the wrong as well as on the right side of questions of the first magnitude to society. This circumstance, if duly attended to, would furnish a lesson of moderation to those who are ever so much persuaded of their being in the right in any controversy. And a further reason for caution, in this respect, might be drawn from the reflection that we are not always sure that those who advocate the truth are influenced by purer principles than their antagonists. Ambition, avarice, personal animosity, party opposition, and many other motives not more laudable than these, are apt to operate as well upon those who support as those who oppose the right side of a question. Were there not even these inducements to moderation, nothing could be more ill-judged than that intolerant spirit which has, at all times, characterized political parties. For in politics, as in religion, it is equally absurd to aim at making proselytes by fire and sword. Heresies in either can rarely be cured by persecution.

13  And yet, however just these sentiments will be allowed to be, we have already sufficient indications that it will happen in this as in all former cases of great national discussion. A torrent of angry and malignant passions will be let loose. To judge from the conduct of the opposite parties, we shall be led to conclude that they will mutually hope to evince the justness of their opinions, and to increase the number of their converts by the loudness of their declamations and the bitterness of their invectives. An enlightened zeal for the energy and efficiency of government will be stigmatized as the offspring of a temper fond of despotic power and hostile to the principles of liberty. An over-scrupulous jealousy of danger to the rights of the people, which is more commonly the fault of the head than of the heart, will be represented as mere pretense and artifice, the stale bait for popularity at the expense of the public good. It will be forgotten, on the one hand, that jealousy is the usual concomitant of love, and that the noble enthusiasm of liberty is apt to be infected with a spirit of narrow and illiberal distrust. On the other hand, it will be equally forgotten that the vigor of government is essential to the security of liberty; that, in the contemplation of a sound and well-informed judgment, their interest can never be separated; and that a dangerous ambition more often lurks behind the specious mask of zeal for the rights of the people than under the forbidden appearance of zeal for the firmness and efficiency of government. History will teach us that the former has been found a much more certain road to the introduction of despotism than the latter, and that of those men who have overturned the liberties of republics, the greatest number have begun their career by paying an obsequious court to the people; commencing demagogues, and ending tyrants.

14  In the course of the preceding observations, I have had an eye, my fellow-citizens, to putting you upon your guard against all attempts, from whatever quarter, to influence your decision in a matter of the utmost moment to your welfare, by any impressions other than those which may result from the evidence of truth. You will, no doubt, at the same time, have collected from the general scope of them, that they proceed from a source not unfriendly to the new Constitution. Yes, my countrymen, I own to you that, after having given it an attentive consideration, I am clearly of opinion it is your interest to adopt it. I am convinced that this is the safest course for your liberty, your dignity, and your happiness. I affect not reserves which I do not feel. I will not amuse you with an appearance of deliberation when I have decided. I frankly acknowledge to you my convictions, and I will freely lay before you the reasons on which they are founded. The consciousness of good intentions disdains ambiguity. I shall not, however, multiply professions on this head. My motives must remain in the depository of my own breast. My arguments will be open to all, and may be judged of by all. They shall at least be offered in a spirit which will not disgrace the cause of truth.

15  I propose, in a series of papers, to discuss the following interesting particulars:

16  THE UTILITY OF THE UNION TO YOUR POLITICAL PROSPERITY THE INSUFFICIENCY OF THE PRESENT CONFEDERATION TO PRESERVE THAT UNION THE NECESSITY OF A GOVERNMENT AT LEAST EQUALLY ENERGETIC WITH THE ONE PROPOSED, TO THE ATTAINMENT OF THIS OBJECT THE CONFORMITY OF THE PROPOSED CONSTITUTION TO THE TRUE PRINCIPLES OF REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT ITS ANALOGY TO YOUR OWN STATE CONSTITUTION and lastly, THE ADDITIONAL SECURITY WHICH ITS ADOPTION WILL AFFORD TO THE PRESERVATION OF THAT SPECIES OF GOVERNMENT, TO LIBERTY, AND TO PROPERTY.

17  In the progress of this discussion I shall endeavor to give a satisfactory answer to all the objections which shall have made their appearance, that may seem to have any claim to your attention.

18  It may perhaps be thought superfluous to offer arguments to prove the utility of the UNION, a point, no doubt, deeply engraved on the hearts of the great body of the people in every State, and one, which it may be imagined, has no adversaries. But the fact is, that we already hear it whispered in the private circles of those who oppose the new Constitution, that the thirteen States are of too great extent for any general system, and that we must of necessity resort to separate confederacies of distinct portions of the whole. [1] This doctrine will, in all probability, be gradually propagated, till it has votaries enough to countenance an open avowal of it. For nothing can be more evident, to those who are able to take an enlarged view of the subject, than the alternative of an adoption of the new Constitution or a dismemberment of the Union. It will therefore be of use to begin by examining the advantages of that Union, the certain evils, and the probable dangers, to which every State will be exposed from its dissolution. This shall accordingly constitute the subject of my next address.

PUBLIUS.

19 Exercising other QTDR features: (This is an H1)

20  Table Row Heading: Row 1, Column 1	R1 C2	R1 C3	21  R1 C4
This is the heading for Row Two	Column Two	Three	And this is in Column 4
22  This is the row heading of the last of the three rows of this test table	23 Not much here	24 3	25 There once was a man from Japan, Whose poetry never would scan. When asked why this was, he said "It's because… 26 I always make it a general policy to put as much poetry into the last line as ever I possibly can!! :-) "

27 Now for a few more demonstrations of what happens with standard headings and lists.

28 This is a Heading 2

29 And here is some following text within normal <P> and </P> paragraph markup. Now is the time for all good people to come to the aid of their country. Now is the time for all good people to come to the aid of their country.

30 Here's a Heading 3

31 And some paragraph text... Now is the time for all good people to come to the aid of their country. Now is the time for all good people to come to the aid of their country. Now is the time for all good people to come to the aid of their country.

• 32 This is a list item in a Unordered List
• 33 Another UL item here...
• And a third and last one. See how I can turn off the comment-"munchie" on any particular item.

1. 34 An Ordered List item
2. A second OL item, here...

35 Back to some more paragraph-text around here... Now is the time for all good people to come to the aid of their country. Now is the time for all good people to come to the aid of their country. Now is the time for all good people to come to the aid of their country.

36 This is a BLOCKQUOTE environment. Note that this HTML environment, too, has been captured for comment by QTDR. Its CSS style (see the beginning of this file's source code) says that BLOCKQUOTES are supposed to appear in BLUE. There are two separately-delimited PARAGRAPHs nested within this BLOCKQUOTE and both are captured for separate comment by QTDR. Both inherit the BLUE color.

37 Now is the time for all good people to come to the aid of their country. Now is the time for all good people to come to the aid of their country. Now is the time for all good people to come to the aid of their country. End of the BLOCKQUOTE.

38 Further Reading —

39 It ain't just me who's excited about QT and QTDR. You can find other perspectives and very favorable reviews of QT and QTDR here:

• 40 Bernard DeKoven has written an excellent informal intro to QTDR (January 2001), stressing the user perspective.
• 41 Jon Udell's "Tangled in the Threads" column in BYTE covered both QT and QTDR (Jan. 2001).
• Jon Udell's technical report on Internet Groupware for Scientific Collaboration (2000) also speaks positively about QT and QTDR, and uses QT to host a discussion of that article itself.

42 Try it, you'll like it! :-)

43 This is the last paragraph of the doc created to demo Steve Yost's Quick Topic Document Review. Pretty darn cool, eh?